Maximinus II VIRTVS EXERCITVS from Antioch with fancy helmet & shield

[Victor]

a consolation for the last one I missed-- a decorated shield and griffin on crest of helmet and also decorated with Sol in quadriga.

Maximinus II, as Caesar, 305-309. Follis (Bronze, 26 mm, 6.44 g, 12 h), Antiochia, circa 309. MAXIMINVS NOB CAES Helmeted and cuirassed bust of Maximinus II to left, holding spear over his right shoulder and shield decorated with two horsmen riding to left, four enemies below them; on cuirass, gorgoneion; on helmet, Sol standing facing in quadriga, raising his right hand in salute and holding globe in his left, around, stars and crescent, crest ending in griffin. Rev. VIRTVS EXERCITVS / B / ANT Virtus standing front, head to left, resting her right hand on decorated shield and holding spear in her left; in field to left, lighted altar. RIC 125

[Victor]

some conjecture in an attempt to put this type in context--

Though the mint of Antioch struck this type for Galerius and Maximinus; the obverse with the highly decorated armored bust was only struck for Maximinus II. Antioch was likely his principal residence from 309- 311, so not surprising this special type was struck there. This type may also have referenced the campaign against the Sassanids (not only the martial bust, but also battle scene on shield) waged by Maximinus (late 309-early 310) and perhaps also his desire to be named Augustus; which may have happened during the same campaign-- “at the last general muster he had been saluted by his army under the title of Augustus.” (Lactantius XXXII) Galerius recognized him as Augustus (mid 310) but since the troops of Maximinus had already raised him up, this was probably just a formality.

[Heliodromus]

Daia, some time after, in a letter to Galerius, took occasion to observe, that at the last general muster he had been saluted by his army under the title of Augustus.

"A lot of people are saying ..." 

Thanks for drawing attention to this.

Lactantius's level of "fly on the wall" access to what happened in the court of Galerius is borderline unbelieveable. Presumably most of it it is based in truth, but I have to wonder how much of it was embellished or fabricated? How would he have had access to a private letter between Maximinus and Galerius? I'd have to assume such things were sealed when delivered.

The following chapter of the gruesome details of Galerius's condition is a case in point ... it's as if he was there at Galerius's bedside taking notes ...

CHAP. XXXIII.

And now, when Galerius was in the eighteenth year of his reign, God struck him with an incurable plague. A malignant ulcer formed itself low down in his secret parts, and spread by degrees. The physicians attempted to eradicate it, and healed up the place affected. But the sore, after having been skinned over, broke out again; a vein burst, and the blood flowed in such quantity as to endanger his life. The blood, however, was stopped, although with difficulty. The physicians had to undertake their operations anew, and at length they cicatrized the wound. In consequence of some slight motion of his body, Galerius received a hurt, and the blood streamed more abundantly than before. He grew emaciated, pallid, and feeble, and the bleeding then stanched. The ulcer began to be insensible to the remedies applied, and a gangrene seized all the neighbouring parts. It diffused itself the wider the more the corrupted flesh was cut away, and everything employed as the means of cure served but to aggravate the disease.

The masters of the healing art withdrew.

Then famous physicians were brought in from all quarters; but no human means had any success. Apollo and AEsculapius were besought importunately for remedies: Apollo did prescribe, and the distemper augmented. Already approaching to its deadly crisis, it had occupied the lower regions of his body: his bowels came out, and his whole seat putrefied. The luckless physicians, although without hope of overcoming the malady, ceased not to apply fomentations and administer medicines. The humours having been repelled, the distemper attacked his intestines, anti worms were generated in his body. The stench was so foul as to pervade not only the palace, but even the whole city; and no wonder, for by that time the passages from his bladder and bowels, having been devoured by the worms, became indiscriminate, and his body, with intolerable anguish, was dissolved into one mass of corruption.

Stung to the soul, he bellowed with the pain, So roars the wounded bull.

They applied warm flesh of animals to the chief seat of the disease, that the warmth might draw out those minute worms; and accordingly, when the dressings were removed, there issued forth an innumerable swarm: nevertheless the prolific disease had hatched swarms much more abundant to prey upon and consume his intestines. Already, through a complication of distempers, the different parts of his body had lost their natural form: the superior part was dry, meagre, and haggard, and his ghastly-looking skin had settled itself deep amongst his bones while the inferior, distended like bladders, re rained no appearance of joints. These things happened in the course of a complete year; and at length, overcome by calamities, he was obliged to acknowledge God, and he cried aloud, in the intervals of raging pain, that he would re-edify the Church which he had demolished, and make atonement for his misdeeds; and when he was near his end, he published an edict of the tenor following: ...

The "of the tenor ..." ending (continued in following chapter - Galerius's deathbed reversal of persecutions) is perhaps telling. Lactantius's seems to be saying the "tenor" of what Galerius said was something like the following ... He doesn't have the exact words, or doesn't care to quote them verbatim, so just makes them up regardless.

I think we can be pretty certain that the stench of Galerius's putrefying intestines / secret parts "pervading the whole city" is a tad embellished. 

[Victor]

Lactantius is a bit apologetic in nature and similar to reading Eusebius-- the religious bits are embellished. The part about Maximinus being recognized by his troops is told very matter of factly though; Lactantius does not have a dog in that fight, as he likes neither Galerius or Maximinus II. I can only imaging that the letter to Galerius may have been common knowledge, if not, Lactantius used to run in the Imperial circle before he converted to Christianity, so he would have probably had some inside sources. Interestingly, Lactantius is writing before the break between Constantine and Licinius, so Licinius is still a good guy.